The Real Drug War Kingpins

Not a scene from a movie, or from the streets of Baghdad: "Police" -- that is, Pentagon-equipped and federally-funded occupation troops -- conduct a raid in Detroit.

Mike Nifong's career as the Torquemada of Raleigh, North Carolina is over, although the self-enraptured prosecutor couldn't resist one final lachrymose moment in the spotlight. But Nifong the Good – also known as Nifong the Wise, and Nifong the Misunderstood – deserves some company. He shouldn't be allowed to Bogart that pity pipe.

There are plenty of other corrupt and abusive prosecutors – US Attorneys, State Attorneys General, District Attorneys, and the like -- who deserve to be bathed in the same disrepute, and subject to the same professional ruin, that Nifong must now endure. Andrew Payton Thomas of Phoenix is one. Georgia Attorney General Thurbert Baker, who insists on prolonging the utterly insane imprisonment of Genarlow Wilson, is another.

But today let's focus on the case of John Paschall, one unfathomably vicious little distaff canine.

No photograph of John Paschall is available, so I offer this artist's conception of the prosecutor, seen here "drumming up" drug cases in Robertson County, Texas.

Paschall is District Attorney for Robertson County in Texas, in which capacity he has long been the local Narcotics Kingpin.

No, he doesn't synthesize, sell, or consume the contraband, at least as far as is publicly known.

Paschall is not in charge of drug manufacturing or distribution, but rather what could be called the “fulfillment” department: He heads up the local counter-narcotics task force, which – until quite recently – conducted an annual raid on the local black population in order to produce arrests in sufficient abundance to keep federal Byrne Grant money flowing.

A class-action suit (.pdf) filed against Paschall and the Task Force by the ACLU (insert standard disclaimer here) plausibly alleged that the DA and his associates “have for many years recruited confidential informants, facing criminal charges, by threatening them with extraordinarily lengthy prison terms unless they will implicate numerous named African-American residents in drug sales.... [T]he informant is required to fill a large quota or else he faces lengthy imprisonment.”

Starting in the mid-1980s, the Task Force would conduct an annual raid in Hearne, a Texas town of about 5,000 people. Paschall, according to witness accounts cited in the lawsuit, “publicly and openly joked about the sweeps, saying that it was `time to round up the n*****s,' and laughed about watching African-American residents run in fear during the sweeps. Paschall described the fleeing residents as cockroaches.”

Some of the raids would focus on a housing complex called Columbus Village, a federally subsidized complex housing many black residents. Paschall reportedly expressed the opinion that it would be better for the community if Columbus Village residents “were removed from Hearne by incarceration or other means,” specifically suggesting that the project should be “bombed” and “burned.” But this wouldn't be as profitable as drawing up rosters of Columbus Village residents to be hauled in during the annual paramilitary sweep, so Paschall didn't pull the trigger on his “Destroy Columbus Village to save the town” strategy.

In late 1999, Paschall hauled in a recently paroled petty criminal – a small-time thief with a recurring drug addiction named Derrick Megress -- and blackmailed him into acting as a confidential informant. Paschall had a long history with Megress, and in the following detail of that history we see the unique viciousness that distinguishes Paschall even in the detestable company of Nifong, Thomas, and Baker, the abusive prosecutors mentioned above.

As a juvenile, Megress was hospitalized for serious mental illness, a fact well known to Paschall, who was the one who had the youngster committed. Paschall exploited that vulnerability when the time came to recruit him as an informant, making use of his victim's fears and anxieties: The prosecutor threatened to send Megress to prison for “60 to 99 years,” and to prosecute members of his family who were innocent of any wrongdoing, if the young parolee didn't cooperate. While Megress was incarcerated, some Task Force members allegedly provided additional inducements by beating him regularly and threatening his life.

Megress was specifically required to implicate at least twenty suspects, and would receive a $100 cash payment for each additional name. He was given a tape recorder to document his alleged purchases. He eventually implicated 27 local residents, almost all of whom knew him, and all but one of whom were black. But the only “evidence” offered “that Megress purchased drugs from anyone ... was his own self-serving word,” contends the lawsuit.

In late October and early November, the “sweep” took place as planned, and police detained nearly the entire black population of Hearne. One young man with Down's Syndrome was thrown “onto the ground, handcuffed, and forced ... to lie immobile. They never asked him for his name or identification during his entire detention.” Clifford Runoalds was arrested while on his way to the funeral of his 18-month-old daughter.

Many were arrested and charged with drug dealing despite their ability to provide airtight alibis corroborated with time cards and even security camera footage proving they were at work at the time of the supposed deals.

When the police showed up at the Chelsea Street Pub and Grill in pursuit of Regina Kelly, the young single mother assumed that she was in trouble because of unpaid parking tickets. She went along peacefully, only to learn to her horror that she was accused of narcotics trafficking. She spent two nights in jail, wearing her waitress uniform, on a $70,000 bond. Regina would eventually spend almost a month in jail before the bail was reduced to a sum her mother could afford (she mortgaged her land to pay $1,000 bond).

The indictment “listed Kelly's first name as Jennifer,” notes an account in the Village Voice. That alone should have been sufficient reason to dismiss the case. In addition, “The secret audiotape allegedly incriminating her did not have a single female voice on it. Her prosecution rested on the uncorroborated word of Derrick Megress....”

With no money, no help from distracted court-appointed defenders, and nobody at home to care for her children, Regina's cellmate, another single mother named Erma Faye Stewart, took a deal, pleading guilty to distributing narcotics in a drug-free zone. She received 10 years' probation and was required to pay $1,800 in fines. “Those who refused to take a plea and couldn't post bond, spent five months in prison awaiting trial,” observes a Frontline documentary on the case.

Victims of a "war" against victimless "crimes": Erma Faye Stewat (l.) and Regina Kelly.

About four months after the arrests, the first trial began, and the case disintegrated like cotton candy in an acid bath. Megress was exposed for all to see as a spectacularly worthless witness. So the charges against all of the defendants were dropped – except those who, like Erma Stewart, from whom a plea bargain had been extorted.

Describing Erma's plight three years ago, Frontline reported:

“Three years after she pleaded guilty in order to go home and take care of her children, she is destitute. Because of the plea, she is not eligible for food stamps for herself or federal grant money for education. She can't vote until two years after she completes her 10-year probation. And she has been evicted from her public housing for not paying rent. Her children sleep in various homes and she spends her nights outside the housing project, waiting for the morning when she can go to work as a cook – a job that pays $5.25 an hour. She owes a $1,000 fine, court costs and late probation fees which she says she has been pressured to pay. `They see it like, as long as I have a job, I can pay them.... I already told them, I'm having a hard time, buying my son medicine. I have to have his medicine for his asthma. They don't really care about that. All they want is, you know, the money.'”

That's what this is all about: The money.

Getting a quota of arrests was necessary in order to qualify for continuing Byrne Grants – which are a form of welfare for local police. This meant treating the local federally subsidized housing project as a hunting ground for the usual suspects, and anybody else who looked like a suitable candidate for arrest. And Paschall and his cronies didn't scruple to steal the money honestly earned by one of their victims, even if it meant depriving one of her kids of medicine he needed in order to breathe.

After the Frontline special was broadcast, people from across the country donated over $18,000 to Erma. Unfortunately, she found herself in trouble with her probation officer after she tested positive for marijuana and cocaine use; this means she has a weakness, just like anyone who throws back one or a dozen brewskis too many. (If she's been spending some of her meager earnings on drugs while her asthmatic son goes without medicine, Erma's got some serious problems that only God can fix.) But she wasn't convicted of mere possession; she was forced to plead guilty to first-degree felony distribution, a charge for which no evidence was ever produced.

Oh, and Paschall, always the quintessence of class, offered this reaction regarding the humanitarian outpouring toward Erma: "She can get on TV and she can cry all she wants to, but she’s her own worst enemy because she continues using drugs. She’s going to have to get her act clean or suffer the consequences — TV show or not.”

Paschall, of course, is just the person to lecture others about accepting the "consequences" of their actions.

The lawsuit against him was settled in 2005. The terms of that settlement are confidential, but probably fairly lucrative to the ACLU (which does quite well for itself in cases of this sort – another issue I have with the “war on drugs”: It helps subsidize the ACLU, which has never gotten out of the business of brow-beating local communities over traditional religious displays and other cultural conventions the organization doesn't like).

Of course, before agreeing to a settlement, Paschall filed a motion asserting – I am not making this up – three different kinds of immunity: “prosecutorial immunity,” “qualified immunity,” and “official immunity.” US District Judge Walter S. Smith Jr. rejected all of Paschall's claims with the same thoughtless ease Tim Duncan would display in stuffing my flat-footed “jump” shot. This no doubt explains Paschall's eagerness to settle the case.

And yet – there he sits, still clothed in whatever dignity and prestige his office confers upon him, while the victims of his corrupt ambition do what they can to keep body and soul, and families, together.

Video Extra

Regina Kelly recounts her experience to Radley Balko, senior editor for Reason magazine:



Former Texas counter-narcotics police officer Barry Cooper describes how police become addicted to the "war on drugs"; no, seriously:




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Dog and Man in Washington

Ken Rogers of Washougal, Washington was enjoying a visit with family in Kennewick and looking forward to some fishing when his slumber was rudely disturbed on the night of July 13, 2003.

Rogers, a 54-year-old regional sales manager for Georgia-Pacific, was sleeping under the stars when a large dog suddenly vaulted over a wooden fence and sank its teeth into his left arm. Shocked and disoriented in the darkness, and not wearing his eyeglasses, Rogers struggled desperately to free himself from the dog, to no avail.

A voice from the other side of the fence informed Rogers that the dog was the property of the Kennewick Police Department's K-9 Unit. “Stop fighting the dog and I will release him,” yelled Officer Bradley Kohn. Rogers, understandably, wasn't content to wait, and started punching the police dog -- later identified as “Deke” -- in the head.

Officer Kohn, along with Officer Ryan Bonnalie, tore down part of the fence. The two of them, along with Deputy Jeff Quackenbush, “entered the backyard and subdued Rogers,” as the excessively decorous language of a legal appeal filed by the officers describes the incident.

The TriCity Herald offers a more descriptive account: “Deke latched onto [Rogers] and in the struggle bit him several times on the hand, back, neck and face while three officers beat him.” Syndicated legal affairs columnist Jack Kilpatrick, citing an official report, offers another layer of relevant detail: “Officers Kohn and Bonnalie and Deputy Quackenbush struck Mr. Rogers with fists, knees and a flashlight, while Deke continued to bite and hold Mr. Rogers until Mr. Rogers was subdued and handcuffed.”

An even more candid description of the episode would be this: Ken was sleeping peacefully when he suffered a potentially lethal dog attack, and then was severely beaten by three armed men after they had vandalized his host's property.

Supposedly, all of this was justified because the police were hot on the trail of a criminal suspect. One would presume that they were seeking a burglar, a rapist, or some other practitioner of criminal violence. One would be mistaken: The police officers who beat Ken Rogers had been summoned as backup by Sgt. Richard Dopke after he had spotted someone riding a mini-moped without a helmet or turning on the lights.

After Dopke turned on his siren and running lights and gave chase, the “suspect” (whose behavior was foolish, but difficult to characterize as criminal) pulled into a nearby garage and shut the door. A man and two women at the residence, which was about a block away from the yard where Rogers was sleeping, claimed that the mysterious mini-moped rider named “Troy” had run half-naked through their backyard. Dopke later claimed that he didn't find the story convincing, but he called for backup and a K-9 Unit just the same.

The story gets even uglier from here.

Overkill is always the first option: Sure, they're heavily armed and already outnumber the protester, by why shouldn't the riot police let their attack dog have a little fun, too?

As it happens, Gary Hilliard, a Corrections Officer (jail guard) for Benton County, was the man who sent Officer Dopke off in pursuit of the mysterious moped man. And, it should not surprise us to learn, it was Hilliard who had actually been operating the vehicle illegally. Making matters all the nastier is the fact that roughly two years after this episode, Hilliard was fired from his job and served a three-month jail term “for having sexually explicit pictures of children on a personal computer,” reported the TriCity Herald.

I'm on record expressing misgivings about the way evidence is collected from computer hard drives in child pornography cases. I will point out that Hilliard's subsequent record does cast his actions on the night of July 13 in an interesting light.

Just as it was overkill for the police to beat someone suspected of a minor traffic infraction, Hilliard's actions in lying to the police and sending them after a fictitious fugitive could be seen as the product of a bad conscience. This makes me wonder if Hilliard was returning from an illicit assignation of some kind when he provoked the interest of Officer Dopke. In any case, Hilliard misdirected the police, and an innocent man was mauled by a police dog and severely beaten by several officers as a result.

Despite having to empty his bank account to pay for three months of physical therapy following the beating, Ken Rogers would most likely have let the matter go had the Kennewick Police Department displayed minimal decency and professionalism by contacting him, asking after his health, and expressing its regrets.

So Rogers sued the Kennewick Police Department for more than $2.35 million, complaining that he had been subject to illegal arrest, unreasonable search and seizure, and other violations of his individual rights.

On May 1, a US District Court jury upheld Rogers' claims, awarding him and his wife Mary Lou more than $1 million in compensatory and punitive damages.

En route to that verdict, the Kennewick city government made a ridiculously low settlement offer, called into question the extent of Rogers' injuries (subtly accusing him of fraud because he wasn't visibly disabled and continued to enjoy outdoor activities), and filed a petition to the US Supreme Court (.pdf) breathtaking in its assertions of official police impunity.

The petition was filed following a ruling from the Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals last August that found Rogers had been subject to unlawful search and seizure. Seeking to overturn that ruling, attorneys for the Kennewick police claimed that Deke the police dog -- not Officer Kohn, the dog's handler -- was responsible for the injury to Rogers.

Don't blame me -- it's the dog's fault: Heroic Military Police use dogs to threaten helpless Abu Ghraib detainees.

Kohn claims to have released Deke after the dog's leash had become entangled “on the hitch of a boat trailer” in a driveway near the yard where Rogers was sleeping. Deke then vaulted the fence sua sponte and latched on to Rogers's left arm. Because Kohn did not specifically order this assault, the police petition claimed, he did not intentionally “seize anyone in the fenced backyard,” and thus there was no violation of rights protected by the Fourth Amendment.

According to the petition, “there can be no constitutional violation for a wrongful seizure where there is no intent to seize.”

Even if there were true regarding the attack by a trained police dog who was trained to act like (in the words of Diehl Lettig, Rogers' attorney) a “heat-seeking missile,” the fact remains that Rogers was swarmed, beaten, and handcuffed by three police officers.

This is an intentional “seizure” by any rational definition. In fact, one of the federal District Court rulings cited in the police petition, Cardona v Connolly, actually vindicates Rogers' complaint. That ruling held, in relevant part, that a “Fourth Amendment seizure” can be said to take place “only when there is a governmental termination of freedom of movement through means intentionally applied.”

Surely the liberal use of “fists, knees and a flashlight” by police against a prone individual being mauled by a police dog until the victim is “subdued” and handcuffed would qualify as “governmental termination of freedom” through “intentional” means.

Nonetheless, the petition for US Supreme Court review filed on behalf of the officers insisted that their actions were covered by the principle of “qualified immunity,” which is described as “an important constitutional protection for our public servants.”

"Qualified immunity," reduced to its essence.

“Government officials performing discretionary functions are entitled to qualified immunity, shielding them from civil damages liability as long as their actions could reasonably have been thought consistent with the rights they are alleged to have violated,” insists the Kennewick police brief.

What this means, from that perspective, is that the police had an open-ended and unqualified right to beat and detain Rogers unless he can (quoting again from the brief) “demonstrate that the police officers, by their conduct, violated a clearly established constitutional right....” Furthermore, it wouldn't do, insisted the police petition, for Rogers to demonstrate the violation of “a generalized right, such as the right to be free from illegal searches or seizures or the right generally to be free from the excessive use of force.”

In this specific case, the police argued that unless Rogers, could prove that Officer Kohn intended for Deke to attack him specifically, he had no legal recourse. On this construction, the mauling, beating, handcuffing, and general mistreatment Rogers endured was all legal and appropriate, since those who inflicted it on him were clothed in “qualified immunity.”

Fortunately, this matter ended up being put before a jury of sensible people who detected in that argument the distinctive aroma of something very much like the sort of residue Deke deposits at the end of his canine digestive cycle.

A significant and relevant post-script to this matter:

Three of those implicated in this incident – Officers Dopke and Bonnalie, and Deke – were retired form the force between 2003 and 2006.

Officer Bonnalie, who helped vandalize the fence and had a hands-on role in beating Rogers, was fired in 2005 after an off-duty road rage incident in which he threatened a 63-year-old Meals on Wheels volunteer by shoving a handgun into his chest.

A parting thought...

Several people whose opinions I highly esteem and whose friendship I cherish have advised me to "balance" my reporting on the police. They have a sound point; I don't want to become monomaniacal on the subject of police corruption. I am searching for suitably inspiring stories about good police officers and and willing to run them when given the chance. And I am always receptive to news tips about stories of that kind (or any other, for that matter).

Please be sure to visit The Right Source.

The Killing of Derek Hale: Death by Police PR Stunt?

Too short a season: Derek with step-children Taylor and Garrett, and wife Elaine (below), shortly before he was killed. (Hale family photos courtesy of Stephen Neuberger.)

Derek J. Hale, Marine veteran of two combat tours in Iraq and (much more importantly) a young husband and father, died in a completely unnecessary police raid that grew out of a cynical public relations campaign.

At least that's the view of Stephen Neuberger, one of several attorneys representing Hale's widow and parents in a lawsuit against the Delaware police officials responsible for the November 6 execution-style killing of Derek in Wilmington.

“Over the past several years, we've represented a lot of police officers, including some from SWAT teams, so it's not as if we're anti-police, even though we consider the State Police [DSP] hierarchy to be corrupt," Neuberger told me.

"We've gone to court on behalf of whistleblowers and officers who have filed civil rights complaints of various kinds. Of the ten lawsuits we've filed, we've either won or successfully settled nine of them. Most of the cases have involved the Delaware State Police, and the DSP's hierarchy has received a lot of negative publicity. I suspect that might be what's behind the raid in which Derek was killed.”

When veteran officer Thomas MacLeish became head of the DSP about two years ago, an early priority was to improve the public perception of the department.

“My view is that Colonel Tom wanted to conduct some big, high-profile investigation that would dispel the negative publicity and generate public support for the DSP,” says Neuberger, who is, admittedly, not a completely unbiased observer. “So they decided to go after the big, bad biker gang” -- the Pagan Motorcycle Club, which Derek joined shortly after getting out of the Marine Corps.

The DSP had been investigating the state chapter of the Pagans for about 18 months before the raid in which Derek was shot to death. Within a few days of the shooting, the DSP arrested 32 Pagans on drug and weapons charges. The 160-count indictment -- the details of which remain secret -- alleged a vast criminal conspiracy that includes drug trafficking, racketeering, and "gang activity."

In late March, two Pagans named in the indictment were offered plea bargains; one of them was offered a year's probation for "maintaining a dwelling for drugs," the other given six months' probation for a misdemeanor charge of third-degree conspiracy. Three others named in the indictment have been placed in "diversion programs" for first-time narcotics offenders.

"What this tells me is that the prosecution's conspiracy case is falling apart," Neuberger told me. "They threw the indictment together after Derek was killed, hoping to justify the raid -- to show the public that there was this huge criminal conspiracy the police were trying to crack. But so far all we see are a few small first-time offenders and a couple of commonplace drug charges."

Michael W. Modica, an attorney representing several of the indicted Pagans, offers a similar assessment.

"I don't think there's any dispute that they rushed the indictment," he told the Wilmington News-Journal. "My sense is, and this is shared by a lot of people, that they rushed the indictment to divert attention from the death of Mr. Hale, and to show that there was legitimate criminal activity going on."

That there was at least some criminal activity going on at the periphery of the Pagan OMC is demonstrated by the plea bargains. But the decision to join a group of that sort can be prompted by motivations other than criminal intent.

The lawsuit (.pdf) filed by the Rutherford Institute on behalf of Hale's survivors emphasizes that Derek joined the Pagans in search of the same kind of "camaraderie" he had experienced as a Marine. I think there are better ways to find it than joining an Outlaw Motorcycle Club -- but then I'm not a 25-year-old recently discharged combat veteran, so I'm not really qualified to second-guess Derek's decisions. Derek's record was clean and he had been given a concealed carry permit by the State of Virginia, where he lived with his wife Elaine and stepchildren Taylor and Garrett.

Derek had gone to Wilmington as part of a charity ride on behalf of Toys for Tots. While there he agreed to house-sit at the home occupied by Sandra Lopez, whose ex-husband (the owner of the house) is a member of the Pagans and was arrested following Derek's death. At some point prior to the shooting, according to the News-Journal, the house -- which Neuberger, who grew up in Wilmington, describes as being in a "bad part of town" -- was searched by the police. Although it was under surveillance, the house hadn't been designated a crime scene when the police showed up on November 6.

Shortly before the police arrived, Sandra and her children, who were moving out of the house, had removed several boxes of possessions. It is possible that the police suspected that they were removing evidence of some sort, and that Derek was acting as a lookout -- rather than simply keeping an eye on a friend's house in a rough neighborhood. Even if such suspicions were accurate, eyewitness accounts demonstrate that the raid was carried out in a criminally irresponsible fashion.

“These guys were not in a standard police uniform,” Neuberger says, citing witness statements. “They were dressed in black and didn't have badges. They didn't identify themselves as police.”

A pack of 8-12 officers surrounded Hale, who had been sitting on the front porch. Sandra and her children -- an 11-year-old and a 6-year-old -- were standing behind him. As the police approached, Derek stood up. He was ordered to remove his hands from the pockets of his hooded sweatshirt, but before he could do so he was hit by a Taser shock – the first of three he received in quick succession.

Repeatedly ordered to remove his hands, Derek protested that he couldn't – which is to be expected, since a Taser hit induces temporary paralysis. He also begged the police to get the kids out of the line of fire, which they didn't. After the second Taser blast, Derek slumped to his side and vomited into a flower bed.

"According to the witnesses, there was a police officer standing in that flower bed when Derek threw up," Neuberger told me. "He was close enough to reach over and handcuff Derek, as were several others. None of them made any effort to do so."

The use of the Taser in such circumstances was unnecessary and forbidden by the Wilmington Police Department's official guidelines, Neuberger observes.

"The manual makes it clear that the Taser is not to be used on a non-resisting suspect," he points out. "Derek wasn't resisting arrest, or resisting in any way. In fact, at this point there had been no attempt to arrest him -- the police hadn't even identified themselves."

After Derek was hit by the Taser for the third time, one of the officers within arm's reach of Derek -- identified in the suit as Wilmington Police Lt. William Browne -- shot Derek three times in the chest with .40-caliber rounds, killing him.


No parent should ever have to bury a child: Derek Hale's mother Connie at the scene of his murder in Wilmington, Delaware.

Following the March 23 press conference announcing the lawsuit (among those in attendance were some of Derek's Pagan buddies), Neuberger, along with Derek's widow Elaine and mother Connie, visited the crime scene. All of them were amazed at the tiny, cramped space in which the shooting took place.

"I'm fairly tall -- I used to play basketball back in the day -- and I could reach from the sidewalk to where Derek was sitting," Neuberger declares. "I can't see how it would have been difficult for 8-12 police officers to seize and arrest Derek without shots being fired, if they had cause to arrest him."

As for Elaine and Derek's stepchildren (he also had a young daughter named Dakota, who lives in North Carolina), "They're just wrecked," Neuberger reports. The same is true of Sandra and her kids, "who saw the whole thing take place right in front of them -- her daughter was right behind Derek."

For Derek's loved ones it didn't help matters at all that the Delaware State Police, in the interests of post-killing spin control, lied to the public about Derek's purported role in the alleged criminal conspiracy, and induced Virginia State Police to conduct a search of the Hale home. This was done as yet another exercise in spin-control growing out of an investigation that may have been little more than a glorified publicity stunt.

Just days before he was killed, Derek and Elaine celebrated their first wedding anniversary in their home in Manassas. Derek's lifeless body now rests in the Quantico National Cemetery, where it was interred with military honors last November.


Sgt. Hale in Iraq with a Marine buddy. (Hale family photo courtesy of Stephen Neuberger.)

And this brings up yet another question: What, if anything, has the Marine Corps done to promote an objective investigation of the unnecessary death of Sergeant Derek J. Hale?




If you want to help ... I've previously mentioned that a legal defense fund has been set up to help pay the incidental costs of the Derek Hale lawsuit (the attorneys have waived their fees):

The Derek Hale Defense Fund
c/o Dr. David Crowe
1736 Broadway
Cape Girardeau, MO 63701

According to Derek's obituary, a separate memorial fund has been established to help Derek's family:

Derek Hale Memorial
c/o Beverly at Alliance Bank
P.O. Box 1458
Cape Girardeau, Mo., 63702.

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