Testament to depravity: Your Author and his son Justus at the Bear River Memorial. |
(This is an updated and expanded version of an essay originally published on the LewRockwell.com blog.)
In the lexicon of official depravity, there are few if any
expressions more despicable than the phrase “combatant children.” That term of
art is inscribed on a plaque found at a memorial to the Bear River Massacre
located just a few miles north of Preston, Idaho.
“The Battle of Bear River was fought in this vicinity
January 29, 1863,” the official inscription lies, using the expression “battle”
to describe an incident that is more honestly depicted as state-authorized mass
murder. The attack was carried out because Shoshones gathered in the village
had been designated, without due process, or even a perfunctory effort to
provide evidence, as “guilty of hostile attacks on settlers and immigrants.”
A company of federal troops from California, under the
command of the detestable Colonel
(later General) Patrick Edward Connor, attacked a village of Shoshones at
daybreak, killing at least 300 of them, “including about 90 combatant women and
children.”
For the Indian men defending their village, the engagement
was a battle against an immensely stronger aggressor. Some of the women might
have joined in that effort, facing the enemy with desperate, doomed courage.
There is no sense, however, in which the children could have been considered
“combatants” – apart from the fact that they were murdered by agents of the US
Government, which means that they could not possibly have been innocent.
Among the “combatants” who were defeated by Col. Connor’s
bold and valiant troops was a young mother named Anzeechee, who “swam under an
overhang on the bank and survived, head barely above water in the frigid
shelter,” records historian Rod Miller in his
book Massacre at Bear River: First,
Worst, Forgotten. Her infant, however, was claimed by the pitiless river,
his lifeless body “left to drift downstream amidst ice and swirling blood.”
Once the assault on the village began, recalled a sergeant
in an account written while he recovered from frostbite, “no officer was heeded
or needed…. It was a free fight [with] every man on his own hook.” No military
discipline was required, because the troops were not engaged in a military
conflict. The men defending their homes and families mounted what resistance
they could for an hour or two before being overwhelmed.
At that point, recalled another sergeant, “the work of death
commenced in real earnest.” Shoshones repeatedly offered to surrender, the
sergeant continued, “but there was no quarters that day.” Settlers who
witnessed the onslaught described how many terrified and disarmed victims were
channeled into a ravine, where there “were shot at arm’s length in the face.”
Many were gunned down as they attempted to flee by casting themselves into the
ice-choked river, or driven into a dense willow thicket on the river bank,
where they were tracked down and killed by the troops.
A handful of the Shoshones were captured and allowed to live
long enough to provide sadistic amusement for their captors. Bear Hunter, who
had taken several rounds, was kicked, tortured, and then murdered by having a
heated bayonet driven through one of his ears. A Shoshone survivor named
Matigund testified that some of the “combatant” women were raped to death.
Israel Clark, a local settler, collected several similar eyewitness accounts,
describing to local Mormon leaders how soldiers had raped Shoshone women while
they were “in the act of dying from their wounds.”
As soldiers set fire to the village, a Shoshone child named
Yeager -- who would be among the survivors -- was taken by his grandmother to a
pile of bodies and told to feign death.
“When the soldiers came around prodding bodies with bayonets
in order to extinguish any sign of lingering life, Yeager opened his eyes for a
look, only to see a trooper looking back,” writes Miller. “The boy closed his
eyes for a time, then opened them and found himself staring down the barrel of
the same trooper’s gun. This soldier lowered the weapon and Yeager again closed
his eyes. The ritual was repeated a third time, after which the soldier walked
away” – his ardor for killing apparently extinguished.
Yeager was immensely fortunate. His brother Be-shup, who
also survived, later recounted how the soldiers who carried out the massacre
could be found “taking little infants by the heels and beating their brains out
on any hard substance they could find.” After all, what other treatment is appropriate
in dealing with “combatant children”?
William Hull, one of three people dispatched by the Mormon
bishop in nearby Franklin, Idaho to search for Shoshone survivors the day after
the massacre, described seeing “dead bodies everywhere. I counted eight deep in
one place, and in several places they were three to five deep.”
This was the triumph of arms celebrated in the monument
erected by the Department of the Interior in 1922. Several decades later, following
a prolonged
and justified outcry from Indian activists, that monument was clumsily
revised by the attachment of a second plaque referring to the incident as a
massacre.
A larger display on the site attempts a dialectical reconciliation of
those two versions, describing the incident as a “battle” that “became a
massacre” without clearly acknowledging that the “battle” itself was an act of
criminal aggression against innocent people.
Recalling the
Massacre and the hostilities that precipitated it, local Mormon leader Peter
Maughan pointed out that the supposedly hostile Shoshone and Paiute Indians
“look upon the very lands we occupy as a portion of their inheritance.” While
acknowledging that Indians had carried out raids and other acts of armed
violence against settlers, Maughan urged his peers to “look at the catalogue of
crimes perpetrated by the whites themselves, and ask who should cast the first
stone.”
Not surprisingly, when Maughan died in 1871, local Indian
leaders were conspicuous among attendees at the funeral of a man they praised
because he “never had two tongues.”
After the Bear River Massacre, Col. Connor generously
distributed “commendations” to subordinates who had distinguished themselves
through their viciousness.
“Continuing with unflinching courage for over four hours,
you completely cut him to pieces, captured his property and arms, destroyed his
stronghold, and burned his lodges,” read a typical commendation written by
Connor --the word “him” in this instance being used as a collective
personification of the Indians as a single, nameless enemy.
It should be acknowledged that Indians were not the only
enemies Connor intended to subdue. When
he assumed command of Fort Douglas in Salt Lake City in 1862, Connor
publicly denounced what he described as “persons who are endeavoring to destroy
and defame the principles and institutions of our government.” According to
Connor, “Traitors shall not utter treasonable sentiments in this district with
impunity.”
With the Civil War underway and Indian children to butcher,
Connor didn’t have the time or the means to chastise anti-government
extremists. Those who subscribe to Freudian assumptions might wonder if the
unprecedented sadism of the Bear River Massacre might have been an exercise in
displaced rage by the commanding officer responsible for that crime.
P.E. Connor and the mass murder over which he presided
continue to be honored in the institutional memory of the Regime that employed
him, and killing “combatant
children” continues to be an acceptable practice for those who do that
Regime’s bidding. Among those who have explicitly endorsed the summary
execution of “combatant children” is Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid, who
more recently described the family and supporters of Nevada rancher Cliven Bundy
as “domestic terrorists.”
During a March 11,
2012 interview with CNN anchor Candy Crowley, Reid was asked about the
Obama administration’s use of drone strikes to kill U.S. citizens – including
16-year-old Abdulrahman al-Awalki – who had been found “guilty” of terrorism
without the benefit of due process.
While claiming not to know the details of the process behind
those “targeted killings,” Reid declared: “I do know this – the American
citizens who have been killed overseas … are terrorists, and, frankly, if
anyone in the world deserved to be killed, those three did deserve to be
killed.”
“Those three,” once again, included a 16-year-old boy, a
U.S. citizen, who was among a dozen or more people who were vaporized by
drone-fired missiles while sitting down to dinner at a backyard barbecue.
In addition to describing
the Bundy family and supporters as “domestic terrorists,” Reid put into
circulation the patent falsehood that they have used their children as “human shields”
– a fabrication that was seized
on, and embroidered even further, by Sgt. Tom Jenkins of the Las Vegas
Metro Police Department.
That latter charge acquires genuinely ominous
undertones in light of Reid’s explicit endorsement of the summary execution of
“combatant children,” and the way that some
Obama-adoring Progressives demanded that their Dear Leader dispatch drones to
deal with the Bunkerville Rebellion.
It is worth remembering as well that the Department
of the Interior, which includes the BLM, created the propaganda display
north of Preston describing the children annihilated at Bear River as
“combatants.”
Most importantly, we shouldn’t forget that lethal force
training for contemporary law enforcement officers is designed to break down
inhibitions against killing “combatant women and children.” This was
the entire purpose of the notorious
“No More Hesitation” training
targets created by Minnesota-based Law Enforcement Targets, Inc.
Following a public outcry, the company withdrew from
circulation several of its training targets – which included pregnant women,
children, and elderly people holding guns. But this is trivial cosmetic surgery
in a Regime that routinely massacres “combatant children” by remote control overseas
and continues to count terrified mothers and children among the enemies
vanquished in its triumph at Bear River.
Obiter Dicta
I'm working on what could be a very important -- and perhaps serialized -- local story, parts of which have already attracted national attention. Watch this space, and expect to see the first installment soon.
This Friday evening (May 16) I will be sharing the stage with Dick Heller, who was the plaintiff in a very significant Supreme Court decision dealing with the right to armed self-defense. (Full disclosure: I have misgivings about that ruling.) The event will take place at the BSU Student Union at 7:00, and admission is free. I will join Mr. Heller for another event at the Rexburg Tabernacle Civic Center this Saturday at 3:00.
Dum spiro, pugno!









