Thursday, April 9, 2015

Michael Thomas Slager: Vocational Sociopath


Solidarity, not skepticism: Patrolman Slager's supervisor comforts the killer as the victim's life ebbs away.



As many have said, were it not for the video, Michael Thomas Slager would have been quickly exonerated – and, most likely, received a commendation – for the killing of Walter Scott. The most remarkable aspect of that video, however, is not the unbearable spectacle of the shooting itself, but rather the composed, almost clinical way that Slager executes the victim, and the ease with which he makes the transition from the killing to the cover-up.

Slager’s body language while drawing and firing his gun suggested annoyance, rather than urgency. He never bothered to render aid to Scott, choosing instead to handcuff the dying man – fortifying the pretense that the unarmed man who had fled in terror had been a threat to him.  Although Slager had sauntered over to examine and truss his victim, he sprinted – well, waddled vigorously – back to the scene of the previous altercation. He retrieved his Taser and then deposited it next to Scott’s bullet-ridden body.

In doing so, Slager tampered with evidence in a crime scene. The patrolman did this casually, in full view of a second police officer, acting in the serene confidence that he would not be required to explain or justify his actions beyond recitation of the familiar formula: “He resisted arrest, he made an aggressive move for my Taser, I feared for my safety and had no choice but to use lethal force.”

A variation on this approach had worked for Slager following an excessive force complaint for using his Taser on an unarmed, unresisting man who was arrested in his own home without cause or explanation. That incident, significantly, was not video-recorded, and no other witnesses were available to contradict the typically mendacious account inscribed by Slager in his official report. Following a review process designed to vindicate the actions of its officers, the North Charleston PD ruled that Slager’s aggravated assault was “justified.”

The same result would have been achieved in the murder of Walter Scott were it not for the presence of a young man equipped with a cellphone and armed with exceptional courage and presence of mind. That complication is the only reason why this incident deviated from the long-established script. 

If not for the video, this shooting -- like all other officer-involved shootings – would never have been investigated as a potential criminal homicide, but rather as an “assault on law enforcement.” From that perspective, Scott was identified as the suspect, and Slager as the victim. 

The immediate priority for the first “investigator” on the scene was to see to the welfare of the assailant, and to reassure him that he had done the right thing. This explains why the “investigating” officer, rather than confronting the shooter, placed a comforting, collegial hand on his shoulder. The supervisor remained in that posture as Slager recited the first draft of what would have been codified as official “truth” – if Feidin Santana hadn’t happened upon the scene while he was on his way to his job in the productive sector.

Addressing the media after Slager was charged with murder, North Charleston PD Chief Eddie Driggers described himself as “sickened by what he saw” in the Santana’s video. Driggers was appointed to the post three years ago after serving as a law enforcement chaplain. His appointment was made by Mayor Keith Summey without a vetting process of any kind. According to the mayor, Diggers was the obvious choice because of his “experience in law enforcement” and the fact that “a lot of my officers know him, like him and respect him.”
 
Chief Driggers (r) with Mayor Summey.
His ministry as senior deputy chaplain with the Coastal Crisis Chaplaincy was “to provide pastoral care and counseling for employees and families of first responders” and assisting “the Mobile Crisis Unit and SWAT teams” in various circumstances. 

The group’s “Chaplaincy Log” is replete with mentions of ministerial visits and counseling sessions with “first responders,” local police, FBI agents, the Coast Guard, and other members of the State’s enforcement caste. There is the occasional mention of a pastoral visit to a “civilian” in need of comfort, but they are very much the exception. The ministry is overwhelmingly devoted to the needs of the State’s emissaries of official violence, rather than addressing the concerns of the public supposedly served by them.

Driggers spent 35 years as a police officer – including a SWAT operator -- before becoming a chaplain in 2008. When he left that ministry to become North Charleston Police Chief, his place was filled by Harry Sewell, who had just retired as police chief in Charleston.
Given Driggers’ background, and that of the ministry in which he was involved, it’s a reasonable surmise that he was devoted to the Gospel of Authority, so memorably expounded by the Rev. Franklin Graham in a recent Facebook post:


“Listen up, blacks, whites, Latinos, and everybody else. Most police shootings can be avoided. It comes down to respect for authority and obedience. If a police officer tells you to stop, you stop. If a police officer tells you to put your hands in the air, you put your hands in the air…. It’s as simple as that. Even if you think the police officer is wrong – YOU OBEY. Parents, teach your children to respect and obey those in authority.”

Instant, unqualified obedience to police is necessary, Franklin insists, because “The Bible says to submit to your leaders and those in authority `because they keep watch over you as those who must give an account.’”

Franklin has elsewhere declaimed against Islamic law as if he were an expert. The deficiency he displays in expounding Romans 13 should govern assessments of his competence in interpreting scriptures from other religious traditions. 

While there’s no way to know if Slager – who, like his victim, had served in the Coast Guard  -- had been catechized in that view of Romans 13, he clearly acted on the same assumptions regarding authority and the propriety of summary execution as punishment for Mundanes who do not render the required tribute of immediate submission. The same assumptions were evinced by the studied lack of curiosity on the part of Slager’s comrades at the crime scene, and the readiness with which his supervisors retailed the killer’s fiction to the public. 

The killing of Walter Scott “is not reflective of this entire police department,” Driggers maintains. “One does not throw a blanket across the many.”


This was an oddly appropriate choice of metaphor, given that a blanket is used to cover something up. Feiden Santana – who, unlike Slagle, did legitimately fear for his life – saw the blanket being pulled over the incident and at considerable personal risk made the evidence available to the victim’s family. Once again: This is the only reason why Slager was fired and charged with murder, rather than being exonerated and most likely given a promotion. 

Michael Slager’s appearance is that of the clean-cut, all-American family man. His professional behavior was that of a privileged sociopath, which is to be expected: Police officers are vocational sociopaths.

A sociopath, as the term was defined upon its introduction in 1930, is someone who displays a “disposition to violate social norms of behavior” through “deceitfulness … impulsivity … irritability and aggressiveness … [a] reckless disregard for safety of self or others,” and a “lack of remorse, as indicated by being indifferent to or rationalizing having hurt, mistreated, or stolen from another.”

Law enforcers – as opposed to peace officers, especially private security operatives – have official permission to employ aggressive violence and escalate it to lethal levels if they meet resistance. They are clothed in “qualified immunity” that protects them from accountability and liability for committing acts that would otherwise result in prosecution. As noted above, when they kill someone, police officers are immediately designated the victim, and the decedent is assumed to be the perpetrator. 

Owing to the nature of the job – at least as it’s presently defined – law enforcement selects for sociopathic personalities, and it is an occupation perfectly calibrated to create “secondary sociopaths” – that is, “those who become antisocial because of environmental factors.”

In their significant study “The Sociopathic Police Personality: Is It a Product of the `Rotten Apple’ or the `Rotten Barrel?’” (Journal of Police and Criminal Psychology, Vol. 14 Number 1), Catherine Griffin and Jim Ruiz of Westfield State College observe: “The environment in which police officers work offers unlimited opportunities for corruption and deceit, and these environmental factors may lead to sociopathic behavior.”

“The extent to which police officers may abuse their authority seems limitless as does the extent fellow officers will go to protect each other,” they continue. “The loyalty and `brotherhood’ of the police that appeals to so many has caused many officers to neglect their primary duty: to protect and serve.”

Dangling at the end of that sentence is an unspecified direct object: To protect and serve what, or whom? The “primary duty” of police is to their “brotherhood,” not the public at large, Griffin and Ruiz explain, because “as time goes by, police begin to view the public as their enemies and this causes their antisocial behavior to increase.”

Police “work” acts as a reverse alembic, refining the worst personality elements of those who engage in it. In his 1988 study “Personality Characteristics of Supercops and Habitual Criminals” (Journal of Police Science and Administration, Vol. 16, pp. 163-167), G.C. Reming found that the behavioral characteristics of police officers who “distinguish themselves by their sustained high productivity” – as measured in self-initiated felony arrests – were indistinguishable from those found among habitual criminals. 

This should surprise nobody: Both of those groups consist of people who consider themselves licensed to use aggressive violence and selectively exempt from the laws governing lesser people. 

Slager wasn’t a “supercop”; he was a perfectly ordinary patrol officer behaving in accordance with the professional standards of the department that employed him. His was the routine, everyday sociopathy of contemporary law enforcement.



If you can, please donate to help keep Pro Libertate online. Thank you so much! 






Dum spiro, pugno!


Tuesday, April 7, 2015

Uniformed Predators in the ER: The Scapegoating of Doug Towell






“Lie still – Life Flight’s on the way.”

Doug  Towell vaguely remembers hearing those words while prone and bleeding from a head wound on Idaho State Highway 21. His next memory is of being seized by irrepressible panic.

“My wife!” he exclaimed. “Where’s my wife?”

Chellus, Doug’ wife of 25 years, had been riding on the backseat of Doug’s Harley-Davidson motorcycle. 

“She’s over there with my friend,” Doug was told. “My friend is a nurse, and your wife will be all right.”

That comforting voice was immediately eclipsed by another in the distance.

“We’ve got to control her bleeding,” the second voice said, the words drawn taut with urgency. 

Doug’s next memory is waking up in the emergency room, his body a mass of pain and his heart burdened with guilt.

“It took me a couple years to get her on the bike,” Doug pointed out as he described the September 14 accident during an interview in his home in Ontario, Oregon. “I told her, `as long as you ride with me, nothing’s going to happen.’ And now, all of a sudden, we’re in a crash. I don’t know her condition, and I’m thinking, `Man, I hurt my wife’.”


At the time, Doug was dealing with the immediate after-effects of a concussion, a broken scapula, and several broken ribs. He was on pain medication and had staples in his scalp. As Doug bobbed in and out of consciousness, he was asked questions by figures he only dimly saw, and could not recognize: Had he been drinking? Would he consent to a blood sample? 

“I thought those people were doctors,” Doug recalls. 

It’s quite likely that they were deputies from the Boise County Sheriff’s Office, whose colleague, Reserve Deputy David Lee, caused the accident that nearly killed Doug and Chellus

Lee, who is still a reserve deputy with the force, executed an illegal U-turn on a narrow stretch of Highway 21 in order to pursue a speeder. According to eyewitnesses, he didn’t activate his lights or siren until after that catastrophic maneuver. The witnesses also insist that Doug was following at a safe distance before Deputy Lee’s actions caused him to hit the brakes. 


“I saw the bike fishtail and wobble,” reported Anne Pelletier, who was traveling behind the Towells. “It just happened so quick. It was like no one had a chance to do anything.” 

From her vantage point, it seemed clear that Lee “was just trying to catch the speeders on Highway 21,” and made the abrupt U-turn without giving Towell -- or the other motorists -- time to adjust. 

Doug’s Harley rolled over him, causing significant injuries from which he has largely recovered. Chellus, however, was thrown head-first to the pavement, resulting in traumatic brain injury that may leave her permanently disabled.


Doug Towell has been charged with Aggravated Driving under the Influence, a felony that carries a potential prison sentence of 15 years in prison

The work of official fiction composed by the Boise County Prosecuting Attorney claims that Doug, while operating his Harley in an impaired state, caused “great bodily harm [and] permanent disability” to his wife Chellus. 

The proximate cause of that nearly fatal crash was the culpable negligence of an opportunistic reserve deputy employed by a county government that is ravenous for revenue. Nothing in Doug Towell’s bloodstream contributed to Deputy Lee’s misconduct, and Deputy Lee’s comrades have no legal right to use the results of the blood analysis performed in the emergency room. 

The toxicology report by Boise’s Saint Alphonsus Regional Medical Center states, in English simple enough to be understood by police officers and clear enough to defy prosecutorial sophistry, that “[The] analysis was performed without chain of custody. These results should be used for medical purposes only and not for any legal or employment evaluative purposes.” (Emphasis added.) 

It is possible that the police siphoned away a specimen of their own after deceiving Doug into believing that they were ER doctors. In any case, it will be impossible for the prosecution to demonstrate that this was done with the voluntary consent of a man who was drugged and had just suffered a concussion. 

Apart from the physical effects of the crash and the drugs administered by the ER staff, Doug was also overwrought with unearned self-reproach. He didn’t learn any of the details of the accident until several days later.

Towell (right) outside the Boise County Courthouse in Idaho City.
A wiry, energetic man who turns 54 in May, Doug is a native of Willowcreek, Oregon. After graduating from Vale High School in 1979, he spent four years in the Army before returning to eastern Oregon. He met Chellus while the two of them were working at a mushroom processing plant in Vale.

“I didn’t have a car at the time, and one Friday night she invited me to a party she and her friends were having at her house,” Doug recounts. They were married a little more than a year later. Were it not for the accident last September, the couple would have celebrated their 25th anniversary with a trip to the Dominican Republic. 

For the past several years, Doug has worked at a shelter home operated by his family for mentally troubled adults. Since the accident last September, he has spent all of his free time working as primary caretaker for Chellus, who is – temporarily, let us pray –incapacitated and unable to speak. 

Earlier this year, Doug filed a notice of tort claim against Boise County, seeking compensation for the enormous – and growing – medical expenses involved in his wife’s rehabilitation. A few weeks later, he received a phone call from the County Prosecutor informing him that a felony charge had been filed against him, and inviting him to make the 85-mile trip from Ontario, Oregon to Idaho City to turn himself in. 

Justice dims: The Boise County courtroom.
One need not be bent double beneath the weight of cynicism to suspect that the criminal charge was inspired, at least in part, by a desire to head off a potentially troublesome lawsuit – just as the Boise County deputies who visited Doug in the ER immediately treated him as a suspect, rather than a victim. 

In this connection it is important to note that the Boise County Sheriff’s Office has a pattern and practice of extorting self-incriminating samples in hospitals from people frantic to know the condition of loved ones.

Last May 23, Lawrence Lutton was in a crash at Arrowrock Reservoir. He was sitting in a hospital room, when he saw grim-faced emergency personnel pushing a gurney containing his traumatized two-year-old son, Riley. At the time, hospital chaplain Karla Sampson testified, Lutton was surrounded by officers – two in the hospital room, two more outside. In her nine years as chaplain at St. Luke’s Hospital, Karla told Fourth District Judge Patrick Owen, she had never seen a patient confined in that fashion. 

“I started getting up and was told to sit back down,” Lutton explained during a March 13 hearing at the Boise County Courthouse. The officers told him that he wouldn’t be allowed to see his son “until I gave a blood sample.” 

Riley didn’t survive. 

The test revealed that Lutton’s blood alcohol level was .09, barely above the state legal limit. He has been charged with felony vehicular manslaughter.  Lutton has filed a motion to suppress the test results. If Judge  Owen has any respect for recent state Supreme Court precedent, he will have to uphold that motion – and any similar one that might be filed on behalf of Doug Towell. 

Like many other subdivisions within the Soyuz, Idaho has an “implied consent” law under which the helots are told that they give “irrevocable consent” to an invasive, self-incriminating procedure – such as a blood test – in exchange for using the state’s roads. 

This is the logic of the sexual predator, as capably expounded by the sitcom character Dennis Reynolds: The implicit threat of lethal violence by a prohibitively stronger party 
vitiates the need for conscious consent on the part of the weaker one. 


Last October, in Idaho v. Wulff, the state Supreme Court ruled against what might be called the Dennis Reynolds Doctrine of Implied Consent by suppressing DUI evidence obtained through an involuntary, warrantless blood draw. The Court reiterated that reasoning a few months later in Idaho v. Halseth. Both of those decisions apply the same principles upheld by the US Supreme Court in Missouri v. McNeely (2013), which affirmed a state court’s ruling that a nonconsensual DUI blood draw conducted without a warrant violates the Fourth Amendment.

More recently, Idaho’s Second District Court threw out a warrantless, non-consensual blood draw imposed on Kyle N. Rios, who was charged with vehicular manslaughter following a fatal crash in 2013. After Rios refused to sign a waiver, police ordered a medical technician to carry out the test, which reportedly yielded a BAC of 0.263, roughly three times the legal limit. If the prosecution wants to make a case against Rios, it will have to do so with evidence obtained through constitutionally suitable means. 

An individual admitted to a hospital for treatment is a patient, not a suspect. Medical practitioners have a Hippocratic obligation to treat the patient, rather than acting as a deputized member of the State’s enforcement caste. As neurosurgeon and medical ethicist Dr. Miguel Faria puts it, “The doctor must act in the interest of the patient first; society, the government, and the police come second.” 

When there is a conflict between the medical needs of the patient and the investigative demands of the police, the latter finish a distant second – distant to the point of invisibility, in fact.  Notes the American College of Emergency Physicians’ Code of Ethics:

"Courage is the ability to carry out one’s obligations despite personal risk or danger. The courageous physician advocates for patients against managed care gatekeepers, demanding employers [and] interrogating police…." (Emphasis added.)

In Doug Towell’s case, a conscientious medical professional would have ordered the police away from the traumatized and drugged patient. This would mean parrying the predictable plea that the test is justified by the perishable nature of blood alcohol evidence. As it happens, this “exigent circumstances” claim was addressed, and rejected, in the Supreme Court’s Neely decision. 

The indecent eagerness of the officers to subject Doug Towell to a blood draw was probably inspired not only by their desire to inculpate the patient, but also by their frantic efforts to exonerate their comrade. Deputy Lee’s conduct, furthermore, reflects the torqued priorities of a county government facing a severe revenue drought. 

About five years ago, Boise County (population 6,795) was slammed with a $5.4 million civil judgment on behalf of the property development firm Oaas Laney. The firm sued the county under the Fair Housing Act in a dispute over construction of a proposed teen treatment center called Alamar Ranch. Shortly thereafter, Chief Judge Terry L. Meyers of the US Bankruptcy Court ruled against the county’s request for bankruptcy protection

Downtown Idaho City.
Boise County’s annual operating budget is about $9.2 million. Threatened with the confiscation of county funds, in 2012 the county commission began issuing $450,000 annual bonds to pay off the judgment.

“Budgeting is not easy in a county where there is no money,” explains Boise County Commissioner Barbara Balding. The only viable industry in the historic and picturesque county is tourism. Last November, voters approved a proposal to allow gambling in the county, something that would require an amendment to the Idaho state constitution.

“We need something that helps us a little bit,” Idaho City restaurant owner Skip Myers told Boise’s CBS affiliate. “The only money that we can get into our county is by taxation. Property taxation is … where we make our money for our road department, for our commissioners to work with, and so we’re going broke as we speak. We need to do something other [than that] to gather that up.”

David Lee was acting as a tax-gatherer last September 14 when he caused the accident that nearly killed Doug and Chellus Towell. Lee’s colleagues – who have displayed a sadistic ingenuity in forcing desperate, traumatized people to incriminate themselves -- are determined to make the victims absorb the costs of the deputy’s actions.



Your help in keeping Pro Libertate online is urgently needed, and greatly appreciated

 





Dum spiro, pugno!



 





Sunday, April 5, 2015

From "Civil Rights" to Cultural Totalitarianism





The public memory of the 1960s Civil Rights Movement has been shaped by iconic images of state-licensed violence – peaceful protesters being beaten and otherwise abused by police for exercising the right to seek redress of grievances. The civil rights movement began as an effort to remove government impediments to individual liberty. By 1964 it had become a concerted effort to subject all private functions to government scrutiny and regimentation.

According to the custodians of acceptable opinion, the campaign to compel acceptance of same-sex marriage is the legitimate heir to the Civil Rights movement. The symbolic image of the contemporary movement could be a photograph of a shell-shocked Crystal O’Connor, manager of the family owned Memories Pizza restaurant in Walkerton, Indiana, after the business became the focal point of an orchestrated campaign of mass vilification.

Her offense was to speak favorably of Indiana’s recently enacted – and hastily modified – religious freedom act. The advertised purpose of that measure was to protect the rights of business owners to decline commercial opportunities that would require them to compromise their values. 

In response to a contrived question by a TV reporter seeking to engineer a controversy, O’Connor said that her company would decline an invitation to cater a same-sex wedding. She also made a point of saying that the store would accept paying customers of all varieties – but this distinction is too subtle for people in the throes of collectivist pseudo-outrage.

O’Connor and her family, who had never injured a living soul or expressed any intention to do so, underwent a baptism in bile and were ritually execrated as proponents of “hate.” 

Lying with a caption, or TV "news" as target-spotting for the PC police.

Thankfully, a counter-movement quickly coalesced to raise funds for the besieged – and thoroughly befuddled – Christian business owners, who had no agenda apart from tending to their customers. They hadn’t gotten the message that their business, as a “public accommodation,” was not theirs to operate as they see fit.

Many businesses still display a sign asserting their right to discriminate, which is an indispensable element of property rights: “We reserve the right to refuse service to anyone.” Title II of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, which deals with “public accommodations,” was designed to nullify that right.

In announcing his opposition to the Act, Senator Barry Goldwater emphasized the latent totalitarianism of that provision:

“To give genuine effect to the prohibitions of this bill will require the creation of a Federal police force of mammoth proportions. It also bids fair to result in the development of an 'informer' psychology in great areas of our national life - neighbors spying on neighbors, workers spying on workers, businessmen spying on businessmen, where those who would harass their fellow citizens for selfish and narrow purposes will have ample inducement to do so.”

“These, the Federal police force and an 'informer' psychology, are the hallmarks of the police state and landmarks in the destruction of a free society,” concluded Goldwater, whose peroration proved to be prophetic.

The nation-wide convulsion of collectivist rage triggered by enactment of the Indiana religious freedom act illustrated that “civil rights,” as currently defined, requires the immediate punishment of any business owner who exercises the right to refrain from commerce.  Yes, self-styled proponents of “tolerance” can succumb to the temptations of punitive populism, just like their counterparts on the Right.


An even more compelling illustration of the totalitarian mindset that typifies what is now called “civil rights” was offered by Idaho’s HB 2, more commonly known as the “Add the Words” bill. If it had been enacted by the state legislature, HB 2 would have added “sexual orientation” of various kinds to the state’s Human Rights Act as a protected category with regard to discrimination in employment and “public accommodations.” It also would have explicitly criminalized – perhaps for the first time anywhere in the Soyuz – the act of reserving one’s right to refuse service.

Section 67-5909 (5) (b) of the legislation would have made it a “prohibited act” for “a person” to “print, circulate, post, or mail or otherwise cause to be published a statement, advertisement, or sign which indicates that the full and equal enjoyment of the goods, services, facilities, privileges, advantages of a place of public accommodation will be refused, withheld from, or denied an individual or that an individual’s patronage of or presence at a place of public accommodation is objectionable, unwelcome, unacceptable, or undesirable.”

If HB 2 or a future measure employing the same language were to be enacted, a business owner who posted the “right to refuse” sign could not only be sued, but dragged away from his property in handcuffs. A critic of the measure could likewise find himself being prosecuted for publishing a letter to the editor, a Facebook post, or a blog comment urging business owners to exercise the right of refusal.

Punishing the peaceful expression of such opinions would be justified, according to the civil rights commissariat, because government has a “compelling interest” in preventing discrimination – even at the expense of individual liberty.

From IDIC to "who/whom": George Takei.
The incantation “compelling government interest” is a useful illustration of the fact that the lexicon of federal law enforcement is an inexhaustible, self-replenishing reservoir of deceit. 

Most people exposed to this masterpiece of semantic engineering hear what its designers intended – a claim that the government is compelled to do something – rather than what it actually means – that the government is claiming the authority to compel individuals to do something. 

This term of art litters court orders and bureaucratic edicts through which our rulers impose economic and cultural alterations that are intended to remold society nearer to their hearts’ desire.

As an abstract fiction without body, parts, or passions, the state cannot have a legitimate “interest” in anything. Indulging, for a moment, the contrary view, the state’s interest in self-preservation would always dictate the expansion of power, and the corresponding curtailment of liberty. This shouldn’t be considered surprising once it’s understood that the “compelling state interest” doctrine had its origins in the Supreme Court’s 1944 decision Korematsu v. United States – which upheld the mass internment, in military custody, of Japanese-Americans who had broken no law.


Fred Korematsu had committed no crime apart from defying an edict that expropriated him – through race-specific banishment from a “military exclusion zone” that encompassed his property. 

Clothing the sentiment of “sucks to be you” in the rarefied language of jurisprudence, the Supreme Court upheld Korematsu’s federal conviction as an exercise of vital wartime powers by “properly constituted military authorities” with a congressional mandate. The Warren Court would later redeploy that wartime doctrine to facilitate the federal government’s domestic war against “discrimination.”
 
The Japanese relocation camps were filled with people whose homes, farms, personal effects, businesses, and individual liberty had been taken from them by people acting in the name of what would later be called a “compelling government interest.”

Among the innocent people who suffered this inexcusable mistreatment was the family of a young Japanese-American named George Takei, who would later become universally beloved for his portrayal of the heroic helmsman Hikaru Sulu of the Starship Enterprise.


More recently, Mr. Takei has become one of the most prominent supporters of the ongoing effort to compel acceptance of gay marriage through both social pressure and government coercion. Last January 30, Mr. Takei delivered the keynote address during the 5th Annual Fred T. Korematsu Day observance, most likely ignorant of the fact that he’s promoting the same evil doctrine that led to his childhood dispossession. 


We deeply appreciate the generous help so many of you have provided. Thank you so much!






Dum spiro, pugno!